Wh-constructions in Moroccan Arabic [Ressource électronique] / Youssef Nouhi

Master of Arts : Linguistics : University of Ottawa : 1996

Bibliogr. p. 123-127

This thesis is designed to study various Moroccan Arabic (MA) whconstructions both within the Government and Binding (GB) framework (chapters 2-4) and the Minimalist Program (MP) (chapter 5). It is, specifically, confined to relative clause formation, left dislocation (topicalization) and questions. A detailed analysis of relative clauses formation is provided. It is particularly argued that the resumptive pronoun insertion in relatives is a last resort strategy which is used only where movement fails. It is also shown that resumptive pronouns function as variables which are bound by null operators in LF. In the course of this analysis, the issues of the Binding Theory and of the A'- disjointness requirement with respect to resumptive pronouns are also discussed. Subsequently, an examination of yes-no questions is given. First, it is shown that the Question Feature (QF) in the raising tone questions always translates as a rising intonation in PF, thus triggering no movement. Secondly, various arguments supporting the fact that the yes-no question particle waf is a wh-phrase are also presented. As a natural consequence, the QF in questions with this particle is deemed to be licensed in a Spec-Head configuration before Spell-Out. Additionally, Cheng's (1991) generalization that the availability of question particles correlates with the lack of syntactic whmovement is investigated in detail. It is made clear that MA, which does possess a yes-no question particle, has mandatory movement. Accordingly, a revision, which holds that languages whose particles are XPs should not be subsumed under this correlation, is proposed. Finally, the recent minimalist version (Chomsky 1995) is applied to the issue of optionality in word orders and to certain whconstructions. First, it is suggested that in MA, both SV and VS configurations are derived overtly. Secondly, a re-examination of relative clause formation from a representational view is offered. In particular, the free variation between the resumptive strategy and the movement strategy is analysed as a consequence of instances wherein the licensing condition for both strategies are met. Thirdly, left-dislocated phrases are argued to be attached to a TopicP, which dominates IP and is dominated by CP. Ultimately, the cases of the argument-adjunct asymmetry and the Vacuous Movement Hypothesis are examined. More precisely, it is shown that che former is to be accounted for in terms of. the Uniformity Condition on Chains and trace - deletion, while the latter is shown to be an unavailable option for MA matrix subject questions by virtue of of an Economy Condition on adjunction.